Washington surely loves a Manhattan Project.
Calls for Manhattan Projects have almost become mandatory, especially in response to tough problems that nobody seems to know how to fix.
After U.S. troops in Iraq became targets of roadside bombs, generals urged the Pentagon to launch a Manhattan Project to counter the deadly attacks. Lawmakers also called for a Manhattan Project to expedite the delivery of armored trucks to Iraq to protect the troops. Numerous Manhattan Projects have been summoned by various congressional committees to eradicate cancer and other deadly diseases. The Department of Homeland Security laid claim to its own wish for a Manhattan Project, one aimed at protecting cyberspace from hackers and viruses.
The latest, and definitely the loudest, of the demands for a Manhattan Project has been fueled by the nation’s energy crisis.
Politicians, scientists, economists and even regular citizens have rallied behind the notion that the nation needs a Manhattan Project to achieve “energy independence,” “clean energy,” “freedom from foreign oil,” “relief at the pump” — whatever the slogan of the day might be.
What has become evidently clear amid the cacophony of cries for solutions is that the usual way of doing business in Washington is not going to help solve the energy plight. So far, this Manhattan Project that we hear about in the media 24/7 is shaping up to be yet another grab bag for special interests, and will fail to tackle systemic issues, experts warn.
“There are too many different ‘vested interests’ in how we deal with energy security,” says Sharon Burke, a foreign policy and energy scholar at the Center for a New American Security.
In the name of “energy security,” backers of nuclear power have called for investments in new plants to generate electricity. The automobile industry is hoping for federal grants to fund hydrogen-powered cars. Advocates of domestic drilling promise that only if we keep digging can the United States end its dependence on foreign oil. The coal sector is demanding more funds for carbon-capture research.
Alternative energy producers guarantee that they can deliver quick results if only they can get enough tax credits.
When it comes to energy policy, decisions typically are shaped by the preferences of members of Congress, notes Josh Busby, a professor of public affairs at the University of Texas. Regional economies are dependent on the production of certain kinds of energy — coal in West Virginia, petroleum in Alaska and the Gulf Coast, biofuels in the Midwest. Other economies are vested in energy-intensive manufacturing — automobiles in Michigan and steel in Pennsylvania. Regions such as California and the Pacific Northwest have highly mobilized environmental constituencies. Vast expanses out West require long driving distances.
This sprawling set of interests, explains Busby, makes it impossible for Congress to develop national-level energy policy. Committee chairmen will block elements of energy policy they dislike.
There are so many turfs competing for money and political clout that it has become difficult to see the bigger picture, Burke tells a Washington, D.C. conference.
An expanding coalition of political, academic and corporate factions that are calling for action is a “fragmented community with no commonality of interests. It makes it hard to defend what’s in the interest of the American people,” says Burke.
In an election year, politicians also are guilty of choosing to ignore the facts and spew snappy catchphrases that look good on bumper stickers but only help keep the public in the dark, says Frederick C. Smith, vice president of the Institute for 21st Century Energy at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
“The American public should not be duped into thinking these issues can be solved overnight,” he says. The much overused buzzword “energy security” implies that the United States has a realistic chance of becoming self-sufficient, which is preposterous, says Smith.
Most citizens are really misinformed, and often cannot separate myths from reality, he says. Energy security does not mean energy independence. “We operate in a global economy and energy market.” The United States imports oil from 45 countries. “We need more partnerships,” Smith says. “Acting alone will put U.S. businesses at a disadvantage.”
If the United States is to make any headway, most experts agree, there has to be top-down presidential leadership that can implement a national energy policy bypassing the usual partisan gridlock. The next administration also must be prepared to educate the public, even if it means telling people what they don’t want to hear. While Americans all agree that fuel is too expensive and that wars to secure access to Middle Eastern oil are undesirable, it remains to be seen whether the nation can make long-term changes, such as reducing fuel consumption, curbing pollution and increasing investments in mass transit and infrastructure.
Now if we can just put a moratorium on the use of the term “Manhattan Project,” at least until the next crisis erupts.