ARTICLE 

More Than Technology Is Needed to Win Wars 

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by Sandra I. Erwin 

As events unfold in Iraq, much second-guessing goes on in Washing- ton, not just about the overall U.S. strategy or lack thereof, but also on whether the hundreds of billions of dollars allocated every year to weapon systems are being spent on the right things.

Every commander agrees that the winning edge comes from well-trained, smart troops, not necessarily from superior technology. But it’s also true that the fundamental thinking that prevails in the Defense Department today is based on the concept of “transformation.”

The military services have spent the past several years trying to figure out how to transform into leaner, faster-moving forces with fewer heavy formations, more special operations, information technology and bandwidth. To that end, the defense secretary in recent years has pushed the services to redirect their $75 billion yearly procurement budgets away from Cold War platforms—such as tanks, large warships and air-to-air combat jets—to “transformational” technologies such as unmanned reconnaissance aircraft, space surveillance systems and precision weapons.

But what is happening on the Iraqi battlefield, so far, indicates that while the overpowering U.S. technology is winning battles, this prowess has not helped achieve strategic objectives, such as stabilizing Iraq and creating conditions for a new regime.

The question of whether the U.S. military’s high-tech weaponry can compete against guerrilla tactics was the topic of a PBS documentary aired earlier this month, called “Battle Plan Under Fire.” Most compelling in that program were comments by retired Army Maj. Gen. Robert H. Scales Jr., former commandant of the Army War College and a forward-thinker, who predicted more than a decade ago that the Army’s future wars would be unconventional and that the enemies would fight “asymmetrically,” rather than try to match the capabilities of U.S. weaponry and forces.

“An obsession with technology blinded us to some degree to this countervailing universe that happens in all wars: that is the cultural side of wars, and the ability to understand your enemy: his intents, his motives, his will,” Scales told PBS. In the kind of close combat U.S. forces are in today, the enemy “doesn’t need a UAV to locate you or a precision bomb to kill you. All he needs is a 13-cent bullet.”

Slogans such as “transformation” and “revolution in military affairs” increasingly are masquerading as ideas, said retired Marine Corps Lt. Gen. Paul Van Riper, who also was featured in the documentary. “In a sense, they make war more antiseptic. They make it more like a machine. They don’t understand it’s a terrible, uncertain, chaotic, bloody business,” Van Riper said.

“My experience has been that those who focus on the technology, the science, tend towards sloganeering. … It does a great disservice to the American military, the American defense establishment. … Information dominance, network-centric warfare, focused logistics—you could fill a book with all of these slogans.”

But even though war in Iraq has exposed flaws in the theories of transformation, it also is providing military planners and weapons system developers useful lessons that could help direct future budgets to technologies that could fill gaps in the services’ current capabilities.

The vulnerabilities of U.S. forces to unconventional guerilla tactics were dominant themes in a war game hosted by the U.S. Army and the Joint Forces Command in early May. In “Unified Quest 2004,” fictitious regional wars unfolded between the “blue” force of the United States and allies, and “red” forces in the Middle East and Southeast Asia.

Although the final outcome of the game will be unknown for several weeks, some of the observations by the “red” commanders offer potentially useful insight that could help budget planners and procurement officials figure out how to make better use of defense dollars. Two examples are the need to improve intelligence collection capabilities and to make U.S. logistics re-supply operations less vulnerable to “anti-access” tactics.

The growing reliance by the U.S. military on satellite imagery and airborne sensors played right into the enemy’s hand during the war game. The red commander decided to overwhelm blue’s sensors by dispersing his forces throughout the country. He deceived blue by creating so much confusion that, even though blue had sophisticated sensors, its information pipelines were overloaded, and blue commanders had difficulty understanding what they were seeing.

In urban battles, the enemy took advantage of the fact that blue sensors cannot see inside buildings. The only sure way for blue to find the “bad guys” was to rely on special operations forces on the ground.

Another tactic that red effectively used to offset blue’s technological superiority was to plant mines in the coastal waters around the Southeast Asian theater of operations, which also was a major shipping route for commercial vessels. Red commanders not only were able to sink blue’s logistics re-supply vessels, but they also succeeded in psychological warfare by propagating panic as ships tried to navigate that area.

Even critics of the transformation movement, such as Van Riper, concede that technology is important in today’s military. “Anyone who understands war would never deny the place of technology,” he said. “The American nation needs to invest all that it can afford in new technologies for the military. It just needs to be very careful that that investment supports an operating idea or concept. It’s not technology for technology’s sake. Worst of all would be for technology to lead the military, instead of the ideas leading the development of the technology.”

But, as we are witnessing in Iraq, hostile forces are not scared away by overwhelming force. The challenge for U.S. commanders and civilian leaders is to understand the enemy and, thus, devise the means to defeat him quickly and decisively.

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