FEATURE ARTICLE  

Pentagon Contracts Lack Incentives for Research 

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by Sandra I. Erwin 

Unrealistic cost estimates and schedules are damaging the Defense Department’s ability to manage its weapon programs and to maintain a healthy industrial base, said the former chief of the Pentagon’s testing office.

“Many contracts are structured with no incentive to continue to develop, to improve the system and every incentive to get into production as soon as possible. ... The contractual environment requires defense companies to make unrealistic bids simply to stay in the defense business,” said Philip E. Coyle, who was the director of operational test and evaluation at the Defense Department from September 1994 until January 2001. “If you have tracked the stock prices of defense industry stocks, you can see that Wall Street has figured this out.”

One way to turn these problems around, said Coyle in a recent interview, is to change acquisition practices that discourage contractors from focusing on early development and testing, because their main goal is to reach full-rate production as quickly as possible.

Since his departure from the government in January, Coyle has been trying to “get his message across” that the Pentagon may lose its ability to deploy cutting-edge technologies, unless it changes the way it compensates contractors.

“They need to permit a reasonable profit for development work,” he asserted.

Defense contractors typically lose money in development contracts and only get to recover their losses if they get a large production contract. But, during the past decade or so, the Pentagon has cut back its procurement budget drastically, so production contracts are becoming more rare and smaller in the quantities of items ordered. That is a sure recipe for destroying the U.S industrial base, said Coyle. “We need to allow defense industry to make a reasonable profit in all phases of development, engineering, manufacturing and production,” he said. The Defense Department “has put too much emphasis on making it up in production.”

One way to protect the defense industrial base is to “maximize stability for defense companies,” said Coyle. “There are several ways this might be done, and I don’t believe they would take formal congressional approval in the form of new statutes.”

One change that Coyle recommended is to return to the former practice of making development costs allowable expenses. Until about 12 years ago, up to 90 percent of development costs were cost-reimbursable under Pentagon contracts. Today, in many contracts, he said, “development is discouraged, leading companies to drive forward in production, despite unresolved development issues.”

The Pentagon, additionally, should contract for research and development on a multi-year basis, Coyle said. Many defense R&D contracts are funded one year at a time. “This discourages higher risk, longer-horizon work in favor of ‘quick hits’ that can be realized in a year or so,” he said. “If defense companies are not sure the Defense Department will ever fund a second, third or fifth year of research, they tend to minimize their own exposure if the R&D work is stopped.”

Incentives for high-risk development work could be offered, by awarding higher percentage fees, depending on the level of risk, he said.

A revision of the Pentagon’s acquisition rules, called the 5000 series, was issued last year. Among the changes was more emphasis on early testing, which Coyle supported. “The whole idea is to be able to get new military capabilities from the lab to the field as early as possible.” But the regulations do not discourage the pursuit of rigorous testing, he said.

Defense programs benefit from early simulation and modeling work, which helps fix the kinks before the system goes to the field, Coyle said. “Too often, the program waits until they’ve gotten into trouble with cost and schedule and then they come to the testers and ask to cancel the test to save money and time. They want to do a simulation instead.” At that point, he said, “it’s almost always too late” to fix the problems. “Developing the simulations often is more difficult than building the system itself,” said Coyle. “We’ve seen this with the [Air Force] F-22 simulator, which has been as difficult [to develop] as the F-22 avionics itself.”

The Navy-Air Force joint trainer aircraft program, called JPATS, experienced problems, among other reasons, because it was treated as an “off-the-shelf acquisition,” even though the aircraft had military-unique requirements, said Coyle. “You really have to be careful about that.” Commercial technology often “is not what people think it is,” he said. “The military environment is just different.”

The new leadership at the Defense Department needs to “make a new beginning” in acquisition reform, Coyle asserted. “They need to give it a different name.” The bureaucracy can be cynical, he said. “That is why they need to take a new approach and a new name, so that it is clear there will be a new approach.”

The nominee to replace Coyle as the top Pentagon tester is Thomas Christie. He heads the operational evaluation division of the Institute for Defense Analysis, a federally-funded think tank.

Coyle praised Christie’s in-depth knowledge of operational testing issues. “He may know the business better than I do,” he said.

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